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It flooded the electrical transformers, costing his insurance company millions. From the very beginning of the Ridpath process, Wells says, he had the best condo attorney in Spokane trying to untangle the legal morass left by Jeffreys, who helped split the property into more than two dozen pieces. The legal fees, he says, are well into the seven figures. Wells says all the legal issues will be resolved once he purchases the rest of the hotel. But Wells considered that editor inlander. When Worthy resurrected the shuttered Davenport Hotel, Wells says, he took a Bobcat to the top floors, knocking down the old walls to build new ones in a more modern layout.

But all the cross-bracing between the walls made that practically impossible in the Ridpath, Wells says. Instead, he wants to turn it into an apartment complex. The composition of the building has changed over the years: Currently the plan is for 41 studio apartments, 55 one-bedroom apartments and — uniquely— micro apartments. The big question is whether the same will work in a vastly different Spokane market. We already had people on the waiting list from the Craigslist ad. A number of potential investors, Wells says, were immediately dismissive about the project, starting with the city in which it was located.

To reduce the risk, making the project more palatable for investment, he cut the number of micro apartments in half. Wells plans to turn those top two floors into condos. Back then, he planned on focusing on the condo project. In retrospect, getting outbid was the one of the best things that could have happened to him. The condo market dropped out almost immediately, and the subsequent economic crash bankrupted plenty of well-known developers with grand dreams and terrible timing. Too many people are counting on this. We caught up with him by phone and discussed the wave of revolution the globe is riding, and what it means for the disenchanted here at home.

Why do you think our society is ripe for revolution? The average worker at Walmart works 28 hours a week, but still falls below the poverty line. Resources go toward the maintenance of empire; meanwhile, schools, libraries, firehouses are closed, bridges and roads are crumbling, our public transportation pales compared to [other countries]. And social services are being cut in the name of austerity. That could be a right-wing backlash. Congress has a 9 percent approval rating. What about that far-right approach is working better than a progressive approach? The right is doing what all fascist movements do: As people struggle with despair and economic insecurity, you channel that rage towards Muslims, undocumented workers, homosexuals, liberals, feminists, intellectuals.

They have a very long list of people they hate. Often the forces responsible for the decline, the Koch brothers and others, are funneling finances and resources into these proto-fascist forces. InObama actually got more money [than the Republican Party] and he has continued that tradition. Occupy was a largely white movement of the children of the middle class. Unemployed lawyers, journalists, teachers. Bakunin argued that these intellectuals were vital to any revolutionary movement. Revolutions are not just carried out by the poor. Many of the poor are more easily seduced into these proto-fascist formations that work on behalf of the elite.

We have seen the rise of that class, building alliances through Black Lives Matter, through Occupy, with a beleaguered working class — a prerequisite for successful revolt. Yes, and [anarchist and political activist] Alexander Berkman writes that all revolutions are invisible, like a pot with boiling water you only notice at its eruption. When we look at the utter disconnect between how we describe ourselves as a democracy and the reality, as that gap widens, those ideas and that language are rapidly losing their credibility. The bottom line is: What leverage does that leave for people who are getting to the point of wanting to make it stop, and what role does technology play in that?

It will come by discrediting the system itself. I saw in East Germany tens of thousands marching through the streets of Leipzig. In the fall ofthe dictator [Erich] Honecker sends down an elite paratrooper division to fire on the protesters in the streets who refused to comply. Honecker managed to hang onto power — after having had it for 19 years — for another week.

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